From TheHill.

This week’s summit in Washington of national leaders from
across Africa offers an essential opportunity for the Obama administration to advance one of its stated foreign policy goals: to promote the safety, equality and dignity of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people around the world.

But it also presents a precarious balancing act between incentivizing progress without inducing a backlash that
could worsen the situation for LGBT people in their home countries and impede international collaboration on other
health, safety and development goals.

The U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit being held Aug. 4 to 6
will include the heads of state or government from 40
African countries – 32 of which maintain laws that
criminalize sexual relations among LGBT people.

Two of the presidents, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria, lead countries that, just this year,
have enacted extreme anti-LGBT laws that have intensified
persecution in those countries.

Of course, sub-Saharan Africa is not the only region to
oppress LGBT people; for instance, Russia and Brunei have
also enacted new harsh anti-LGBT laws. But sub-Saharan
Africa runs heavily counter to the trend toward
substantial progress in other world regions, including
Europe, North America and much of Latin America. Beyond
discriminatory laws themselves, the hateful rhetoric surrounding passage of such laws has exacerbated
vigilantism and violence against LGBT people and
intensified underlying homophobia and transphobia.

This week’s U.S.-Africa summit has a broad focus on
development, economic growth, trade, regional stability
and good governance. Although LGBT rights are not
explicitly on the summit agenda, the event offers a
valuable opportunity for the U.S. to emphasize that fair
treatment of LGBT people is not a question of “special
rights,” but rather must be understood part and parcel of
all economic development and political progress in
Africa.

Last month, the International Gay and Lesbian Human
Rights Commission (IGLHRC) laid out a number of direct
linkages between diminished economic productivity and
policies that discriminate against LGBT people.

In a letter to President Obama specifically regarding the
summit, IGLHRC called for several concrete steps. These
include reinforcing with African leaders that LGBT
discrimination violates eligibility requirements under
the U.S.-Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and demanding
that African government trade partners investigate and
prosecute those who carry out anti-LGBT violence.

Likewise, the group recommends that the U.S. Trade
Representative be required to develop a plan specifically
for Africa to implement the president’s stated goal of
advancing LGBT rights through foreign policy.

“The cost of discrimination and exclusion of LGBT people
must be addressed to accurately assess the opportunities
for trade, investment and growth in Africa. In addition,
protecting the basic rights of LGBT people must be an
intrinsic part of the discussion about … trade and
investment on the continent,” IGLHRC stated.

As always, efforts to advance LGBT rights need to avoid
evoking charges of “modern-day colonialism” toward
Africa, or of forcing leaders to choose between anti-LGBT
domestic constituencies and international support.

As documented in an incisive article on “unintended
consequences” in Foreign Policy magazine last February,
Museveni for several months resisted signing his parliament’s notorious “Anti-Homosexuality Bill” into law. But after a perceived threat from Obama that doing so would “complicate” U.S.-Ugandan relations — alongside domestic pressure from virulently homophobic Ugandan religious groups — he eventually signed it.

At the time, Museveni made a point of stating that he was
signing the bill “with the full witness of the international media to demonstrate Uganda’s independence in the face of Western pressure and provocation.” (On Aug. 1, the Ugandan Constitutional Court struck down the Anti-Homosexuality Law, but only on narrow technical grounds about how the bill was enacted by parliament, rather than on human rights grounds. The state remains free to appeal the ruling, and numerous other anti-LGBT laws, policies and practices persist.)

Another careful balancing act is how best to forcefully
assert the importance of LGBT rights without obstructing
other critical areas of collaboration. These may be on
closely related topics, such as implementation of PEPFAR
(U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief) programs to combat HIV/AIDS; broadly related human rights issues such as coordination to rescue a large group of kidnapped girls in Nigeria; or seemingly more distant concerns such as counterterrorism efforts.

Ultimately, the long-term challenge for U.S. foreign
policy is to avoid “siloing” LGBT rights apart from other
issues of human rights and economic advancement. This
only runs the risk of worsening the isolation and
opprobrium faced by LGBT communities.

Thus, the best strategy is to emphasize the many linkages between LGBT rights with other priorities, such as effective public health policies or efficient business practices. Indeed,
the most constructive approach of all is to emphasize
that — in the words of former Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton — “Like being a woman, like being a racial,
religious, tribal, or ethnic minority, being LGBT does
not make you less human. And that is why gay rights are
human rights, and human rights are gay rights.”

Despite the inherent difficulties of influencing policies
in other nations, it remains the sad reality that foreign
governments, NGOs and corporations are the principal
allies available to millions of LGBT people in Africa and
elsewhere around the world. The introduction of bills in
Congress to institutionalize support for international
LGBT rights is an important step.

This week’s summit with African leaders must take another incremental step to reemphasize that LGBT rights are a durable priority of U.S. foreign policy.

The author of this piece, Raymond A. Smith is a senior fellow at the Progressive Policy Institute; an adjunct assistant professor of political science at Columbia University and New York University; and author of ‘Importing Democracy: Ideas from Around the World to Reform and Revitalize American Politics and Government.’

Read more at TheHill.